Design an Election
How Voting Systems Work
Chapter 10 · Design an Election
This is the capstone. Nine chapters have given you a shelf of tools: plurality (How Voting Systems Work 2), runoffs and instant-runoff (How Voting Systems Work 3), pairwise methods (How Voting Systems Work 4), points and scores (How Voting Systems Work 5), the impossibility results and strategy (How Voting Systems Work 6). Here you use them together on a practical problem: an invented club of 25 members must pick one of five options, and you have to choose the rule. Instead of arguing from taste, you build a small laboratory in Python, run thousands of simulated elections, and let the numbers show the trade-offs. Seats, districts and weighted votes (How Voting Systems Work 7, 8 and 9) do not appear here, because a single-winner club vote needs none of them.
The Problem and the Yardsticks
Suppose a club of 25 members must choose among 5 candidate options (a venue, a chairperson, a project; the details do not matter). Before comparing rules you must say what “good” means, because How Voting Systems Work 6 showed that no rule satisfies every fairness idea at once. This chapter uses three yardsticks, each easy to compute:
- Agreement with the Condorcet winner (the option that beats every other head to head, How Voting Systems Work 4). A rule that skips it needs a good reason.
- Regret: the average distance from the members to the winner, minus the average distance to the best possible option. Zero means the winner is the closest option to the club as a whole.
- Resistance to burying: if a bloc of members dishonestly ranks the winner last, can they get an option they truly prefer?
To simulate people you need a model of preferences. The one below places every voter and every candidate at a random point in a unit square (an “issue space” with two dimensions), and a voter prefers candidates that are closer. On a single line, the sources I found credit Duncan Black (1948) with the median voter result: when preferences are single-peaked, the median voter’s favourite beats every rival head to head, so it is a Condorcet winner. The same sources say this does not carry over cleanly to more dimensions, and that the McKelvey–Schofield chaos theorem shows there may be no Condorcet winner at all. Two dimensions are therefore a harder, more realistic test, and the simulation will report how often a Condorcet winner exists.
The Toolkit
Save this as votelab.py; the later snippets and the exercise solutions import from it. Honest ballots come in three forms from the same voter: a full ranking, an approval set and a 0 to 10 score list. Two choices here are my own assumptions: a voter approves the candidates closer than their average, and scores stretch from 10 for the closest candidate to 0 for the furthest. Ties always go to the lowest-numbered candidate, which is arbitrary but keeps runs repeatable. The Copeland rule is simplified: a head-to-head win counts one, a tie counts nothing.
One Election, Six Answers
Start with a single seeded election of 25 voters and 4 candidates (A to D). The seed was chosen after searching a few dozen seeds for one in which the rules disagree, so this is a deliberately dramatic example, not a typical one; the next section measures how typical it is.
Four different winners from the same 25 ballots. Plurality picks B, which ties D on 9 first places (the lowest-index tie rule decides) yet is the worst choice here by regret. Instant-runoff picks D. Borda and Copeland pick C, the Condorcet winner. Approval and score pick A, who has only 2 first places but is acceptable to many voters, so a method that counts breadth rather than first places favours A. Each answer is defensible under some definition of the word “winner”, and that is the course in one output.
Thousands of Elections
One dramatic election proves little, so repeat it. The next snippet runs 2000 seeded elections of 25 voters and 5 candidates for two kinds of electorate, uniform and polarised (voters in two clusters), and tallies how often each rule picks the Condorcet winner and how much regret it leaves on average.
Read the table with care. Copeland scores 100% on agreement because it is built to choose the Condorcet winner when one exists, so that column cannot tell Copeland apart from its own definition. A Condorcet winner existed in about 97% of these elections, so cycles are rare in this model (real clubs, with strong factions, may differ; I did not test that). Plurality is clearly the weakest on both measures. Instant-runoff beats plurality on both, and is close to approval on agreement but behind Borda, Score and Copeland. On mean regret the score method is lowest in both electorates, but it benefits from my assumption that voters report stretched, honest scores, which hands it more information than a ranking carries. Polarisation changed the order a little: for example, plurality’s agreement rose from 54.4% to 68.0%, and Borda’s fell from 84.9% to 81.4%.
| Method | Ballot asked for | Agrees with Condorcet winner (uniform) | Mean regret (uniform) |
|---|---|---|---|
| Plurality | one name | 54.4% | 0.0289 |
| Instant-runoff | full ranking | 77.2% | 0.0111 |
| Borda | full ranking | 84.9% | 0.0041 |
| Copeland | full ranking | 100.0% (by definition) | 0.0028 |
| Approval | a set of names | 75.4% | 0.0059 |
| Score | a number per name | 84.2% | 0.0019 |
Can the Ballots Be Gamed?
The Gibbard–Satterthwaite theorem, proved independently by Allan Gibbard (1973) and Mark Satterthwaite (1975) according to the sources I found, says that with three or more candidates any deterministic rule in which every candidate can win and which is never manipulable must be a dictatorship. In plain terms, every sensible rule can be gamed somewhere; the useful question is how easily. This test is one narrow kind of gaming. A bloc is formed from the voters whose favourite is the strongest non-winning candidate, and every one of them buries the current winner: last in the ranking, unapproved, scored 0. The bloc succeeds if the new winner is closer to them, on average, than the old one by their true positions.
Plurality scores 0.0% because burying someone who is not your first choice cannot change a first-place count; it is not that plurality resists gaming, only that this manoeuvre is useless against it. Plurality’s weakness is of another kind, the compromise voting of How Voting Systems Work 2, which this test does not try. Within what it does measure, instant-runoff is the hardest to bury (3.1%), while Borda, approval and score are open to it in 43.7%, 46.1% and 48.9% of elections. In Copeland the figure is 28.0%. A single narrow strategy tells you little about the others, so read these as signs of where to look, not a final verdict on manipulation.
Choosing for the Club
The simulation cannot name a winner for you, because the yardsticks pull in different directions. No rule leads on all three. Weights make the decision, and the weights are a statement about what your club values.
| If the club cares most about… | Lean towards | Why, from this model | Watch out for |
|---|---|---|---|
| Never choosing a loser to a rival head to head | Copeland or another Condorcet method | picks the Condorcet winner whenever one exists; low regret | needs full rankings; a cycle needs a pre-agreed tie rule |
| Lowest average dissatisfaction | Score voting | lowest mean regret in both electorates | relies on honest, comparable scores; easy to exaggerate |
| Hard to game by burying | Instant-runoff or plurality | burying helped the bloc in 3.1% and 0.0% of elections | weaker on the other two yardsticks; plurality has compromise voting |
| Simplest to explain and count | Plurality or approval | one mark per name; no ranking arithmetic | plurality had the most regret here |
A practical suggestion of mine, not a result from the simulation: for a 25-member club that is comfortable ranking its options, collect ranked ballots, compute the Condorcet winner, and write down in advance what happens if there is none (the Copeland rule, say). Rankings are cheap to collect, they let you check several rules on the same ballots, and the rule is agreed before anyone knows the candidates, which removes the temptation to pick the rule that favours a particular option. Exercise 3 lets you change the weights and watch the recommendation move.
Add a top-two runoff (the two largest first-place totals meet in a second round) to the toolkit. On 2000 uniform elections, compare plurality, the runoff and instant-runoff on agreement with the Condorcet winner and mean regret.
📄 View solutionA club may care most about never electing someone a large part of the membership dislikes intensely. For 2000 polarised elections, count how often each method’s winner is ranked last by at least a quarter of the voters.
📄 View solutionBuild a weighted scorecard from the three yardsticks (Condorcet agreement, low regret, burying resistance) and rank the six methods under three sets of invented weights: fairness first, closeness first, honesty first. Does the best method change with the weights?
📄 View solutionQuick Reference
- Choose the yardsticks first: Condorcet agreement, regret, resistance to gaming, simplicity; none wins on all
- Spatial model: voters and candidates as points; closer means preferred (an assumption)
- Regret: mean distance to the winner minus mean distance to the best candidate
- Burying test: a bloc ranks the winner last; success means a truly better result for the bloc
- Gibbard–Satterthwaite: with three or more candidates, every non-dictatorial rule in which anyone can win is open to manipulation somewhere
- Always state: the ballot model, the tie rule, the number of elections and the seed behind any percentage
- Settle the rule, including tie-breaks, before the candidates are known